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Carbon Tax: It's Simpler and Will Have Immediate Effect
The carbon tax approach to reducing emissions would charge industry and other entities for greenhouse gases they emit into the atmosphere. For all six greenhouse gases, converted to their CO2 equivalents in environmental damage, a levy of $10 to $15 a metric ton is often given as an example, at least in early years.
It is the most straightforward scheme: It says, if you continue to pollute, you pay a penalty for doing so, and the cost is likely to cause you to take steps to reduce emissions to reduce the tax exactly the desired effect. And if that doesn’t do it, increases in the tax will.
The money raised could be directed to research and development of clean energy technology and renewable energy alternatives to oil, or other useful purposes even rebates to low income earners hurt by the passed-on costs.
Under a cap-and-trade program, allowances to emit carbon dioxide could be sold or auctioned to polluters such as the power utilities to provide the inducements to cut emissions, but the Lieberman-Warner bill now working its way through Congressional committee the cap-and-trade plan extending from 2012 to 2050 that seems to have won the most favor would give away half of its allocations free, the other half by auction.
What’s wrong with that? At least the utilities, cement, paper and steel companies will be paying for half, would they not?
Only eventually, because, at first, almost all the allocations are free: 82% in the 2012 start up year would be simply given away to companies to use or trade for profit. The percentage then declines, to 27% by 2050, but for years, free permits to pollute will give industry little inducement to make any changes.
The Windfall
The allocations, often referred to as credits, are bound to have tremendous value. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that emission permits could rise in value from $5 to $65 per metric ton between now and 2050; the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates $14 to $78.
The U.S. economy currently emits 7.3 billion metric tons of greenhouse gases annually. If the cap is set at current levels for the 73% of the economy that Lieberman-Warner covers, that would lead to allocations for 5.2 billion tons. As we just saw, 82% of those would be giveaways. Splitting the difference between the early-year estimates above, that’s a handout to industry of over $40 billion in the first year alone. Using its price estimates and the sliding percentage schedule, the EPA calculates that 66 billion pollution permits valued at $1.5 trillion will be handed out free of charge under Lieberman-Warner.
Too Susceptible to Gaming
Even under an auction format, there are structural flaws with cap-and-trade. Swayed by campaign contributions, Congress will more than likely set an initial cap that matches the nation’s current levels of pollution or possibly higher, to allow industry an early-year cushion. With plenty of credits to go around, they will trade at low prices as happened in Europe’s implementation of Kyoto. Cheaply purchased credits will undercut inducements to cut costs by making infrastructure improvements, and that will lead to a long delay before the year-to-year declining schedule of allocations forces emission reductions.
A carbon tax, even if low at first, would at least impose a cost for emissions.
Penalizing the Pacesetters
Moreover, awarding allocations equal to current emissions gives no credit to companies that have already spent heavily to cut back pollution, while at the same time rewarding the worst offenders who have resisted for decades the Clean Air mandates to install controls. That is what is assumed to have prompted TXU to announce plans in early 2007 to hurriedly build eight coal-fired plants: they wagered that pollution levels would probably be “grandfathered” by any cap-and-trade bill.
Additionally, cap-and-trade is likely to prove vulnerable to political tampering. Lobbyists and corporate campaign contributions will constantly press for adjusting the caps and percentages as the years pass and costs rise. Trading will need to be closely regulated to thwart market manipulation. A tax, on the other hand, is highly visible and less susceptible to camouflage.
The Competition Question
An argument against a carbon tax is that higher costs will make American goods less competitive. So would an auction-based cap-and-trade program, whereas Lieberman-Warner imposes no appreciable costs for years. Nevertheless, in an attempt to eliminate the cost advantages of countries that refuse to penalize emissions such as China and India, and as a concession to labor, this bill sets up a second, parallel cap-and-trade mechanism for imports. That doubles its complexity and presages a still more bloated bureaucracy.
Much simpler would be a tax imposed at port of entry, based on the amount of emissions imputed to have been released in making the incoming goods.
There is no point imagining that China or India might someday agree to a cap-and-trade alliance to replace this border contrivance. They would insist on a population-based carbon allowance, and America would find itself paying itself into penury to buy credits to sate its much higher per-capita energy consumption.
Charging non-compliant nations could lead to a tariff war will be the obvious cry. Yes, it could. But it is time to realize that all such human affairs of the moment – trade pacts, costs, profits, jobs become petty trifles when at issue is the future of planet Earth. Any scheme adopted should anticipate international application, and a carbon tax works best.
- SCW
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